We have reviewed three states—Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Connecticut—that have enacted their own AFHM regulations. The state AFHM Plans discussed below all contain successful features that can be helpful in formulating improved state- and federal-level guidance. These three states have successfully developed requirements that target those least likely to apply. Their plans also have controls in place to ensure developers’ compliance.

Massachusetts

The Massachusetts Affirmative Marketing Guidelines, which recognize that “Massachusetts has a compelling interest in creating fair and open access to affordable housing,”47Massachusetts Department of Housing and Community Development, Affirmative Fair Housing Marketing Plan Guidelines, at 2, available at http://www.mass.gov/Ehed/docs/dhcd/hd/fair/afhmp.pdf.

  • Id. at 5.
  • Id. at 4-5.
  • Id. at 4. Massachusetts is not the only government to require this measure; the local Westchester government requires similar outreach. See Westchester County Fair and Affordable Housing Implementation Plan, Appendix G-1.
  • Id. at 5.
  • Id.
  • Id.
  • Connecticut Fair Housing Regulations, §8-33ee-2(a).
  • Connecticut Fair Housing Regulations, §8-33ee-1(6).
  • HUD, Affirmative Fair Housing Marketing Plan, form HUD-935.2A (May, 2010).
  • Connecticut Fair Housing Regulations, §8-33ee-2(a).
  • Id. at §8-37ee-4.
  • Interview with Erin Kemple, Sept. 27, 2010.
  • Connecticut Fair Housing Regulations, § 8-33ee-7(e).
  • N.J. Admin. Code § 5:80-26.15 (a).
  • Id.
  • N.J. Admin. Code § 5:80-26.15 (b).
  • N.J. Admin. Code § 5:80-26.15(d).
  • N.J. Admin. Code § 5:80-26.15 (f).
  • Id.
  • N.J. Admin. Code § 5:80(g).
  • For example, while most states require that developers engage in some level of outreach to public housing or voucher waitlists, there is wide variation in the level of effort required. In addition, waitlist outreach may have little integrative effect where developers are not required to pursue marketing beyond their immediate jurisdictions, if the waitlist composition reflects that of the local area. See Philip D. Tegeler et. al., Transforming Section 8: Using Federal Housing Subsidies to Promote Individual Housing Choice and Desegregation, 30 Harv. C.R.-C.L. L. Rev. 451, 474 (1995).
  • John Infranca, Furman Center for Real Estate & Urban Policy, An Overview of Affirmative Marketing and Implications for the Westchester Fair Housing Settlement (2011)(hereinafter “Furman Report”), http://furmancenter.org/files/publications/Furman_Center_Review_of_Affirmative_Marketing.pdf.
  • Stipulation and Order of Settlement and Dismissal, United States ex rel. Anti-Discrimination Ctr. of Metro N.Y., Inc. v. Westchester County, No. 06-2860 (S.D.N.Y. Aug. 10, 2009) at ¶¶ 2, 5, 9. Plaintiffs in the lawsuit, alleged that although the county had certified that it would “affirmatively further fair housing” in order to receive HUD funding, it had not met this AFFH obligation because it utterly failed to consider impediments to fair housing choice along the lines of race and further failed to identify and take appropriate actions to overcome these impediments (so that the certification violated the federal False Claims Act, 31 U.S.C. § 3729 et. seq.).
  • Furman Report at 7 (noting that the literature on this subject and the experiences shared by roundtable participated suggested key lessons that may not guarantee success, but are likely to strengthen efforts to develop a successful affirmative marketing plan that affirmatively furthers fair housing).
  • The Furman Center’s report relied on various case studies conducted in the context of HUD’s Hope VI Program. The Hope VI program entailed a plan developed by HUD whose central purpose was to rebuild the most physically impoverished public housing developments across the country. In order to facilitate this extensive work, current residents are moved to other buildings within their development, relocated to public housing elsewhere or provided with housing assistance vouchers. The program thus provided a ripe opportunity to glean insights into the decision making process families employed when determining whether to move to another public housing unit or a private residential unit. See e.g. Susan Clampet- Lundquist, HOPE VI Relocation: Moving to New Neighborhoods and Building New Ties, 15 Housing Policy Debate 415 (2004).
  • Another case study conducted in the context of HUD’s Hope VI program was used to identify these factors. Robin Smith, with Arthur Naparstek, Susan Popkin, Lesley Bartlett, Lisa Bates, Jessica Cigna, Russell Crane & Elisa Vinson, The Urban Institute Metropolitan Housing and Communities Policy Center, Housing Choice for HOPE VI Relocatees (2002) (conducting study on the operation of the Hope VI program in four cities to reveal that relocating households sought neighborhoods that were safe, had good schools, were convenient for shopping and transportation).
  • Id. at 19.
  • Furman Report at 11.
  • Furman Report at 21.
  • The program originated as a partial settlement to the litigation in the public housing desegregation case of Thompson v. HUD,
  • Furman Report at 22.
  • Id.
  • Id.
  • Furman Report at 24.
  • Id. at 25. See also Michael Allen, Why Not in Our Back Yard?, PLANNING COMMISSIONERS JOURNAL, No. 45, at 1-2 (Winter 2002).
  • Furman Report at 25.
  • Id.
  • Id. at 21.
  • Id. at 26.
  • “The literature on housing choice voucher programs indicates that both actual and perceived discrimination can play a key role in an individual’s decision of whether to move to an unfamiliar neighborhood…” Id. at 16.
    In offering supporting evidence of this phenomenon, the report, in part, pointed to the results of qualitative studies orchestrated in the context of Section 8 programs which found that participants restricted their search to African American neighborhoods because they assumed they would not be welcome in predominantly white communities. Susan J. Popkin & Mary K. Cunningham, Urban Institute, CHAC Section 8 Program: Barriers to Successful Leasing Up 23(1999).
  • Furman Report at 18 (“An affirmative marketing plan can seek to address these concerns through an aggressive public relations campaign that involves minority residents currently living in the community who are willing to share their own experiences with prospective residents and that identifies steps the community will take to further diversity and integration”).
  • Id. at 27.
  • Id. at 28.
  • These interviews were conducted with: Betsy Crum of the Connecticut Housing Coalition; Frank Piazza of Piazza & Associates in New Jersey; Melanie Kibble and Deborah Clemmons-Miller of Mercy Housing in Colorado; Nancy Rase of the Housing Partnership Network in Maryland; Diane Eddings of Common Wealth Development in Wisconsin; and Peter O’Connor and Deborah DelGrande of Fair Share Housing Development in New Jersey.
  • This includes Federal Housing Administration programs, which are subject to HUD’s AFHM regulation and may be increasingly coupled with the tax credit program. See Jerry Ascierto, “FHA Aligns with Tax Credits,” Affordable Housing Finance (describing how Mortgagee Letter 2008-19 streamlined requirements for LIHTC developments using FHA Secs. 221(d)(4), 220, and 231 programs), available at http://www.housingfinance.com/news/fha-aligns-with-tax-housing.htm.
  • 26 C.F.R. § 1.42-9.
  • 24 C.F.R. § 108.
  • In addition, HUD occupies a statutory role as the coordinator of all agencies’ AFFH responsibilities and is charged with several key responsibilities under the LIHTC statute, namely that of designating certain areas for tax basis boosts, 26 U.S.C. § 42(d)(5)(B).
  • See I.R.S. Form 8823 (requiring state credit agencies to report general public use violations).
  • See Connecticut Fair Housing Regulations, § 8-33ee, providing that “Recipients’ plans shall provide for the dissemination of information at a minimum in (a) the largest city located in the nearest Primary Metropolitan Statistical Area or Areas or Metropolitan Statistical Area or Areas, (b) the regional planning area, and (c) any other areas which are likely to contain high minority populations and where public transportation or public highways and/or job availability make it likely that minorities might wish to move where the development is located.”
  • Id. at 2-8.
  • For example, the City of Oakland’s affirmative marketing program requires: “The owner and managing agent shall annually assess the success of affirmative marketing actions for each project. If the demographic data of the applicants and residents vary significantly from the jurisdiction’s population data for the target income group, advertising efforts and outreach should be targeted to underrepresented groups in an attempt to balance the applicants and residents with the demographics of the jurisdiction….Where the characteristics of applicants are significantly different from the make-up of the City/Agency’s population (i.e., in cases where specific groups are over-represented or underrepresented), the City/Agency will examine in more detail the owner’s actions to determine if a violation of the requirements has occurred.” City of Oakland Community and Economic Development Agency Affirmative Fair Marketing Procedures at 7-8 (July 2010), available at http://www2.oaklandnet.com/oakca1/groups/ceda/documents/procedure/oak025582.pdf.
  • See Connecticut Fair Housing Regulations, §8-33ee-2(a).
  • Policymakers should determine an appropriate “trigger” in consultation with social scientists and practitioners, including fair housing attorneys. A similar framework is used in employment discrimination actions, where the EEOC uses the rule that evidence of an adverse impact exists when the selection rate for any race, sex, or ethnic group is less than four-fifths of the rate for the group with the highest rate. See 29 C.F.R. § 1607.4(D). A different number may be appropriate in this context.
  • For example, the California QAP awards points to developments with a Service Coordinator whose “[r]esponsibilities must include, but are not limited to: (a) providing tenants with information about available services in the community, (b) assisting tenants to access services through referral and advocacy, and (c) organizing community-building and/or other enrichment activities for tenants.”
  • See Connecticut Fair Housing Regulations, § 8-33ee-7(e).
  • Nudge at 203.
  • Id. at 204.
  • Id. at 95-96. The Nudge authors call this strategy RECAP: Record, Evaluate, Compare Alternative Prices.
  • Id. at 208.
  • U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, Handbook: Voluntary Affirmative Marketing Agreements, available at http://www.hud.gov/offices/adm/hudclips/handbooks/fheh/80211/index.cfm.
  • 24 C.F.R. § 200.610 (“Policy”).
  • AFHM Handbook at 2-16, 2-17.
  • 26 C.F.R. § 1.42-9.
  • 26 U.S.C. § 42(h)(6)(B)(iv).
  • State agencies administering LIHTCs must furnish HUD, not less than annually, information concerning the race, ethnicity, family composition, age, income, use of Section 8 or similar rental assistance, disability status, and monthly rental payments of households residing in each tax credit property, through standards developed by HUD. 42 U.S.C. § 1437z–8.
  • Docket No. FR–5298–N–02 (March 3, 2012), http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/FR-2010-03-03/pdf/2010- 4386.pdf.
  • HUD has previously stated that it is without statutory authority to itself require data on LIHTC tenant applicants (in addition to residents) in order to assess affirmative marketing compliance. Docket No. FR– 5298–N–02 at 9611 (March 3, 2012), http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/FR-2010-03-03/pdf/2010-4386.pdf. We urge HUD to reconsider this stance in light of data’s crucial role in assessing fair housing, including AFFH, compliance. Although Congress has not specifically required HUD to collect LIHTC applicant data as it has resident data, HUD and Treasury should agree to impose broader data requirements as authorized by their statutory AFFH mandate. AFFH is a duty shared among federal agencies, but in which HUD has a statutorily imposed leadership role. 42 U.S.C. § 3608. HUD requires data on applicants in its own programs. See 24 C.F.R. § 121.2.
  • 42 U.S.C. § 3604(a), prohibiting discrimination and the perpetuation of segregation; 42 U.C.S. § 3608, requiring that federal housing programs affirmatively further fair housing. See also generally Shannon v HUD, 436 F.2d 809 (3rd Cir. 1970).
  • 26 U.S.C. § 42(m)(1)(C).
  • 24 C.F.R. § 200.610 (“Policy”).
  • AFHM Handbook at 2-16, 2-17.
  • See, e.g., 24 C.F.R. § 5.655 (Section 8 Project-Based Assistance); 24 C.F.R. § 92.253 (HOME Investment Partnership); 24 C.F.R. § 982.202 (Section 8 Tenant-Based Assistance).
  • U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, Handbook for Subsidized Multifamily Housing, Ch. 4, available at http://portal.hud.gov/hudportal/HUD?src=/program_offices/administration/hudclips/handbooks/hsgh/4350.
  • Id., Section 2.
  • See Keaton Norquist, Local Preferences in Affordable Housing: Special Treatment for Those Who Live or Work in A Municipality? 36 B.C. Envtl. Aff. L. Rev. 207, 224 (2009).
  • Cf. Raso v. Lago, 958 F. Supp. 686 (D. Mass. 1997).
  • See 24 C.F.R. § 982.207(b)(1)(i) & (iii); 24 C.F.R. § 5.105(a)(1).
  • Handbook at 2-16, 2-17.
  • As noted in Section II, HUD program applicants submitting a residency preference for HUD’s nondiscrimination review complete a worksheet (as part of the AFHM Plan) showing how the “percentage of the population in the residency preference area conforms to that of the occupancy of the project, waiting list, census tract, and housing market area.” AHFM Plan –Multifamily Housing, Worksheet 2. This review procedure is insufficient to assess whether the preference has a discriminatory effect beyond the immediate area, since applicants are currently able to designate their own market area and the use of an extended market area is not mandatory.
  • Notice PIH 2012-34, “Waiting List Administration” (Aug. 13, 2012), available at http://1.usa.gov/NUkh08. This guidance updates that available in HUD’s Multifamily Occupancy Handbook. While the guidance provides helpful recommendations, it is unfortunately not mandatory for PHAs.
  • MLRI Letter to Sara Pratt, Deputy Assistant Secretary – Enforcement Programs, Re: Need for HUD Guidance on Application Procedures in HUD Assisted Housing (April 10, 2012)(on file with PRRAC).
  • See Barbara Sard, The Massachusetts Experience with Targeted Tenant-Based Rental Assistance for the Homeless: Lessons on Housing Disfavored Policy for Socially Groups, 1 Geo. J. on Fighting Poverty 192- 92 (1994).
  • See, e.g., description of Chicago Housing Authority Practices in Lisa T. Alexander, Stakeholder Participation in New Governance: Lessons from Chicago’s Public Housing Reform Experiment, 16 Geo. J. on Poverty L. & Pol’y 117, 161 (2009).
  • For example, it has been found that “[i]nitial studies of site-based criteria at various Chicago redevelopments reveal that some TSPs are draconian or at least may include criteria that will be very difficult for public housing residents to meet. Some TSPs give property managers the ability to reject families that have declared bankruptcies more than two years prior to applying. Other sites preclude a resident from returning if they have any debt delinquency greater than $1,000 dollars. At some sites, any debt over 90 days past due could prevent an applicant from meeting the screening requirements. Some tenant plans look at criminal history indefinitely with regards to certain crimes. Some tenant plans are silent as to whether a conviction or merely an arrest is required to reject applicants.” Lisa T. Alexander, Stakeholder Participation in New Governance: Lessons from Chicago’s Public Housing Reform Experiment, 16 Geo. J. on Poverty L. & Pol’y 117, 162-63 (2009)(internal cites omitted).
  • U.S. Dept. of Housing and Urban Development, Handbook: Mortgage Credit Analysis for Mortgage Insurance (4155.1), 1-C-9 et seq. (Chapter 5), available at http://www.hud.gov/offices/adm/hudclips/handbooks/hsgh/4155.1/41551HSGH.pdf.
  • See Federal Reserve Bank of Boston, New England Community Developments available at http://www.bos.frb.org/commdev/necd/2005/q3/credit.pdf; Credit Builders’ Alliance, Alternative Credit: Highlighted Articles and Research, http://www.creditbuildersalliance.org/toolkit-hot-topics/alternative- credit.html.
  • Id., Fed. Res. Bank of Boston; see also National Consumer Law Center, Using Nontraditional Credit Information: Boon or Bane? (June 2009), http://www.nclc.org/images/pdf/credit_reports/credit_reports_boon_bane.pdf. Because of these caveats, we recommend that alternative credit reports be an option offered to applying tenants.
  • Eric Dunn, Marina Grabchuk, Background Checks and Social Effects: Contemporary Residential Tenant-Screening Problems in Washington State, 9 Seattle J. for Soc. Just. 319, 328 (2010), listing common errors arising in background checks due to misattributions between people with similar names or birthdays, criminal identity theft, reports containing expunged records, clerical errors, and other issues.
  • Id. at 334-35.
  • 15 U.S.C. § 1681(i) (1998).
  • “Tenant screening agencies in the Twin Cities: An overview of tenant screening practices and their impact on renters,” HousingLink, Prepared for the Minnesota Housing Finance Agency and the Fair Housing Implementation Council (2004 ), at 12, http://www.housinglink.org/Files/Tenant_Screening.pdf.
  • Merf Ehman, Columbia Legal Services (commissioned by PRRAC), “Fair Housing Disparate Impact Claims Based on the Use of Criminal and Eviction Records in Tenant Screening Policies” (Jan. 2011) at 13, available at http://nhlp.org/files/PRRAC%20Disparate%20Impact%201-2011.pdf.
  • Id., citing Chester Hartman & David Robinson, Evictions: The Hidden Housing Problem, 14 Housing Pol’y Debate, 461, 467-68 (2003), noting, for example, that i n studies conducted in New York City, Philadelphia, and Oakland, people of color made up over 70% of tenants involved in unlawful detainer actions.
  • For a fuller analysis of how use of criminal records results in a disparate impact on minority applicants, see id., “Fair Housing Disparate Impact Claims Based on the Use of Criminal and Eviction Records in Tenant Screening Policies” at 12.
  • See Rebecca Oyama, Do Not (Re)enter: The Rise of Criminal Background Tenant Screening as a Violation of the Fair Housing Act, 15 Mich. J. Race & L. 181 (2009).
  • See Connecticut Fair Housing Regulation, Sec. 8-37ee-304 (Selection process).
  • National Housing Law Project, “Best Practices for Landlords: Screening Applicants for a Criminal Record,” available at http://nhlp.org/node/1518
  • Notice PIH 2012-34, “Waiting List Administration” (Aug. 13, 2012), available at http://1.usa.gov/NUkh08.
  • While not a direct model, Connecticut’s tenant selection rule is an instructive precedent; landlords may use a lottery system or assign tenants points based on factors such as residence in substandard housing. See CT Fair Housing Reg. at Sec. 8-37ee-305 (Selection methodology).
  • States and cities can initiative this while awaiting federal guidance. See City of Oakland Affirmative Fair Marketing Procedures (July 2010) at 7, requiring that “Owners shall keep up-to-date records for each project regarding the characteristics of persons applying for vacant units, persons selected to occupy units and residents of the project (including race, ethnicity, presence of children under the age of 18 in the household, requests for reasonable accommodation for a disability, income, and household size), and records about tenant selection or rejection.”
  • See Ct Fair Housing Reg. at Sec. 8-37ee-304 (Selection process).